Stamford Bridge: The battle that ended an era: The Conclusion

 

The Norwegians have landed and have defeated the northern earls, brothers Morcar and Edwin, at Gate Fulford. Harold has marched north, gathering an army as he goes, to face his brother Tostig and King Harald of Norway as they unwittingly waited at Stamford Bridge for hostages and  supplies to arrive from York.

Stamford Bridge crossed the River Derwent a few miles south of York and was far enough away from York to be of little further threat to the city and half way between York and where the Norwegians had left their ships at Riccall. Harald, the  King of Norway, commonly known later as Hardraada, with the somewhat inimitable reputation and King Harold of England's implacable brother, Tostig, had brokered a deal with the defeated leaders of York that they would meet them here at this little settlement with the agreed 150 hostages and provisions that were promised. On Monday, September the 25th, their men were camped on both sides of the river Derwent. It was a warm sunny day and they were enjoying the warm weather. Then came the storm in a form of a dust cloud. The marching feet of thousands of infantry and horsemen could be seen, their glittering weapons and steel tipped spears sparkling like shards of broken ice. Harold Godwinson and his army were about to fall upon them in a surprise assault.  


The battle as drawn by
Tony Wait

 There are a variety of versions of the prelude to the battle, having done my best to piece the known evidence together, I have consolidated them into what seems the most feasible interpretation. What seems to be pretty conclusive is that unfortunately for  the Norsemen, they had gone to Stamford Bridge to meet the English hostages without their maille, the very thing necessary for survival in a battle. They did however, carrry their helmets, shields and weapons. The chronicles all agree that this was due to the warm and sunny weather and having defeated the Northern armies quite decisively at Gate Fulford, they were  certainly not expecting to have to use them so soon after their victory in York. Half of Hardrada's forces were back at Riccall with the fleet, led by his son Olaf and the Earl of Orkney. Some of his men had been out rounding up cattle (Rex 2011) and were on the open ground on the west bank of the river when the scouts spotted Harold's army approaching them. Marren (2004), in his book about the battles of 1066, describes the bridge by 11thc reckoning as being wide enough for the roads which reached the bridge, to go through it. This seems a reasonable reckoning seeing as the roads continue out to the battle flats and beyond.

According to Snorri Sturluson, Harold wanted to parley first, offering his brother peace and his former earldom back, plus more. Other sources state that Harold came upon them on horseback and swooped down on the Vikings on the open ground of the west bank, catching them unawares. They cut them down, slashing and spearing them.  The Norwegians fought to create a circular shieldwall as the horses ride round them. In the meantime, Hardrada rallies his men over from the east bank to cross the bridge in a boar-snout, Svinfylking,  to come to their aid as he sees the English ride them down. Despite losing many men, Harald of Norway manages to form a circular shieldwall and with his famous Landwaster banner flapping in the wind, get his men back to the bridge and across the otherside as the English are recoiling from this ferocious attack. 

Many of the sagas report the English use of cavalry, although there is some discrepency from historians as to the validity of it. The English were generally thought to favour fighting on foot as infantry, however this battle would not have been the first  that had seen the English fight on horseback as they did at The Battle of Hereford. It seems reasonable enough to believe that if Harold and his huscarles had journeyed on horse along that road from York,  seeing the Norwegians camped by the river, Harold may have felt that to stage a mounted surprise attack  would have given them the edge, rather than wasting time dismounting.

Once over the bridge, Hardrada was able to take in the gravity of the situation. There he was with just half his of his  lightly armed warriors, facing the hordes of English soldiers with only the bridge and the river between them. Both sides would have paused to regroup and marshall their troops ready for the next clash. At some point King Harald was said to have sent 3 riders to summon the rest of his forces back at Riccall to re-inforce his outnumbered army.

This would have been a good time to parley and if Snorri's version is to be believed, it was Harold who wanted to parley. Both kings are said to have ridden up to their respective riverbanks on their horses. Tostig was with Hardrada, perhaps to translate. Harold adressed his brother and offered him terms, saying that he would give him a third of his kingdom in return for abandoning the invasion.

Tostig is said to have answered with this: "This is very different to the hostility and humiliation offered to me last winter.If this offer had been made then, many a man who is dead now would still be alive and England would be in a better state. But if I accept this offer now, what will you offer
King Harald Siggurdsson for all his effort?"
Harold was alleged to have replied, "7ft of ground as he is much taller than other men."
Tostig rejects his offer and  tells Harold to make ready for battle.

As said before, Snorri is not a reliable source so we dont know if this particular conversation happened. However, although these were violent times, men would have wanted to avoid dying in battle of they could without compromising their honour. It is doubtful however that Harold would have agreed to give Tostig his earldom back and more, without incurring the wrath of the northerners who had fought hard to get rid of Harold's brother. They may have been disillusioned by the brothers Morcar and Edwin who failed to avert the disaster at Gate Fulford but I doubt they would have been happy to have Tostig back in the seat of his earldom. Additionally, Harold would have wanted to keep the young earls on side as they were his brother-in-laws. English sources state nothing of the initial parley and terms offered by Harold and rejected by Tostig and Hardrada. The version they offer state that Harold surprised them unawares beyond the bridge and they 'fought sternly' into the afternoon, whatever their idea of 'sternly' was. 



The warrior on the bridge
drawn by Gayle Copper

The most singular feature of this battle is the story that the bridge was held for sometime against the English by a somewhat fearsome Viking with an axe who prevented them from crossing, killing any man who attempted to attack him. He was wearing a maille shirt, obviously one of the few who had decided to bring his. Aforethought is forewarned perhaps; it's a shame that none of the others did. However though, after holding them back for sometime, a quickthinking Englishman waded under the bridge and spears him up through his under carriage and the English are free to cross the bridge.This story is the stuff of legend and is added to Chronicle C in the 12thc and it is also repeated by several other writers so there maybe some credence to it.

Once the great warrior is out of the way, the English storm across the bridge and the Norwegians form their shieldwall. According to the sagas, the English repeatedly charge on horse at them. This was probably not an pre-meditated attempt at an organised cavalry charge, more likely it was intended to catch men who had been caught out in the open on foot. The fighting was hard and went on into the late afternoon. Hardrada ordered for his banner, the black raven, 'Landwaster' to be brought forward and he ran out ahead of his men in a mad charge like the one he had led at Fulford, hoping to repeat his victory as he had done then. But his huge torso was unprotected and he was hit by an arrow in the throat, though not before he had hewn and sliced many men with his terrible two handed Dane Axe. Those that had followed his charge died with him and there came a pause in the fighting. The great Norwegian King had choked on his blood and died. As everyone took time to take it all in and perhaps remove Harald's body to a place of safety, the English Harold offered quarter to his brother and the beleaguered Norwegian troops.

Vikings hurrying to the battle from Riccall

Tostig now was in charge, however the death of Harald Hardrada must have had a devastating effect on morale. It was he they had come to fight for, not Tostig, but the younger Godwinson was all that they had left. Suddenly though, at this point, they were soon to have another commander, Eystein Orri, as the re-inforcements came pouring in from Riccall, exhausted from running several miles and dusty and sweating from the heat and their heavy mail. This last phase of the battle was to become known as 'Orri's storm'. Thus the Norwegians spurned the offer of quarter and they made one final devastaing charge at the English, many of whom were  been killed in the fresh enslaught. Such was the rage that the Norwegians felt at having ran for miles to find that their leader was dead. Such was their desire for revenge that they fought valiantly, some having to throw off their maille because they were so exhausted. But the Vikings were unable to maintain the momentum. Orri fought to the death as did Tostig. Some collapsed, fatigued by the stress of the battle and the harrowing journey on foot from Riccall.

The Norse poet Arnor later tells us:

It was an evil moment
When norway's king lay fallen;

Gold inlaid weapons                                                      
Brought death to Norway's leader.

All King Harald's warriors
Preferred to die beside him,
Sharing their brave king's fate,
Rather than beg for mercy.     

Some of the enemy survivors made their escape and were pursued by the English and given no quarter when it had been already twice refused. No prisoners were taken. The fleeing Norwegians, and we must not forget the Flemmings that had come with Tostig, were chased back to the fleet where, as darkness fell the English 'fiercely attack them from behind until some of them came to ship, some drowned, and also some burnt, and thus variously perished, so that there were few survivors, and the English had possession of the place of slaughter' (Anglo Saxon Chronicle D). The author of the chronicle then went on to say that Harold rounded up the survivors and offered them safe conduct if they would swear oaths before him to leave this land and keep the peace of these islands. Amongst these was King Harald's son, Olaf, who did as he was bid, promising never to return with hostility to these lands. He and their Bishop and  Earl Paul of Orkney were sent home with only 24 of the 300 odd ships they had sailed with. Such was their loss of men that only 24 were needed to carry them home. It must have been a traumatic turn around of events for the survivors that they should come so far for a great victory at Fulford, only to have their hopes of invading dashed within a few days.The great God of War, Hardrada, had proved himself to be destructable after all. The big man's luck had run out at last.

This was the last time that Scandinavian forces would attempt an invasion on such a massive scale. This was the end of the Viking threat to England, but their bones would lay scattered over fields in Yorkshire, visible to the travellers eye, for some years to come after this year of 1066.

References
Marren P (2004) 1066 The Battles of York, Stamford Bridge & Hastings Pen and Sword books Ltd, Yorkshire.
Morris M (2012) The Norman Conquest Hutchinson, London.
Rex P (2011) 1066 A New History of the Norman Conquest Amberley Publishing, Gloucestershire.
Swanton M (200) The Anglo-Saxon Chronichles (rev. ed) Phoenix Press, London.

To read the first episodes in the series click here for part one and here and to read more about these times check out Sons of the Wolf

Stamford Bridge- The battle that ended an era. Part Two

Part Two: The 3 Main Protagonists

In the first part of this series, we talked about the background to this famous 1066 battle. In this episode, King Harold has recieved word of Hardrada's landing in Yorkshire in mid September, King Harold assembles his men and begins the march northwards. We see the events leading up to the battle through the eyes of each main player.  

How the King manages to gather a large enough force in such a short time has been speculated by many historians, but it seems that he most likely starts out with the core of his army, his body guard and perhaps his brother Gyrth and his huscarles, sending messengers to call out the southern fyrds  to meet him along the road. As they travel, riding on horseback along the old Roman road,  Ermine Street, they raise the fyrd of each shire they travel through, picking them up at arranged meeting points. These are the men of Herts, Cambridgeshire, Buckinghamshire, Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire It's hard to say how many of them would have been mounted but in looking at the heriot of a thegn, it involved between 2-4 horses depending on their status. Thegns may have brought  a servant or two with them and that is why perhaps they had to provide 3 or 4 horses.   

 

At some point along the way, Harold learns of the Gate Fulford disaster by an exhausted messenger who has ridden without stopping to meet the King on his journey north so he might urge him to march more earnestly. Harold wonders momentarily why the young brothers, Earls Edwin and Morcar have not waited for him to arrive, but he probably didnt ponder for long, for their was a job to do and he knows the Earls had their reasons, good or bad. So he ploughs on with his men, determined to reach Yorkshire in time to surprise Hardrada and his own brother Tostig, to deal with them before they can strenghthen their hold in Yorkshire.  He marshalls his forces at Tadcaster, we are told, also being joined there by some of the survivors of Fulford who would have informed him of the whereabouts of the Norsemen.  At dawn, on Monday 25th September, Harold and his army crosses the River Wharfe and reaches York via the  Ebor Way within a few hours. York welcomes him, perhaps surprised that he had come so quickly. He stops for ashort while to refresh his army and hears about the deals that have been done with the Norse. He sympathises with the people of York and their young leaders Morcar and Edwin, who are most likely still teenagers at this stage. They had to come to terms with the Norse or their city would have been over run, knowing that if they can convince Hardrada of complete compliance, they would withdraw from the city and hopefully this would stall them long enough for Harold to get there with his army. Of course they might have been hedging their bets but Harold most likely doesn't want to get into that right now. The young Earls are his new brother-in-laws and he likes to think they are loyal.

 So he studies at a map of the area, the lie of the land and its geographical significance and plans his next move with his generals, Gyrth and Marleswein the Shire-reeve. They set out again on the last leg of their journey. Stamford Bridge.  As the men march toward their next destination, none of them, least of all Harold would have known that they were about to participate in one of the most decisive battles of the era. The Viking Age was about to go down pretty definitively.




Roman road near Manchester

 

 

 

Harald Hardrada is a man with, as his name suggests, a tough reputation. He is a man whose whole attitude to life seems to  be little about planning and thought, and more about getting whatever he wants at any cost. He learned as a younger man than in 1066, that to get what he desires,  he needs to have power and to have power, he needs gold. And to get gold he needs followers to help him get it. And to get followers, he needs to have the gift of the gab and personal strength. Eventually, he manages to acquire all those things, mostly because he has the last two qualities in the first place.

 

 Born in Ringerike in the Upplands of Norway, he was the son of a petty chieftain, Sigurd. He becomes King of Norway from 1046 until his death in 1066 and after unsuccessfully claiming Denmark, he turns his attentions to England after a proposition from the exiled Tostig Godwinson.  Harald's birth year is probably somewhere between 1014-16 so he is aged around 50 at this time. Harald's claim is pretty weak, but he doesn't really care. Always on the lookout for more power, he doesn't  need an excuse to claim anything for himself. He is used to violence and has led a colourful and brutal life. He spent some of his youth in the Varangian Guard. His reputation goes before him and he relies on it to intimidate his opponents. He certainly isn't coming to England on a jolly day trip. After his glorious victory over Edwin and Morcar's forces at Fulford, he and his comrade in arms, Tostig Godwinson, withdraw to the assigned meeting place by the Bridge at Stamford, where they are due to collect the hostages promised them in the treaty.

 

 

Tostig Godwinson had been Earl of Northumbria for around 10 years. It is quite surprising that he lasted that long, for he had been unpopular throughout. He is the third born son of Godwin and his Danish wife Gytha. Interestingly he is related to William of Normandy through marriage. His wife Judith is  half sister to the Duke's wife, Matilda's father. Tostig's rule of Northumbria is with a heavy hand and this, coupled by the fact that he is a southerner and a Godwin,  makes him unpopular with the Northumbrian ruling families. The Godwins have always been seen as a threat to the balance of power in the 11thc as there are so many of them. When Alfgar of Mercia is sidelined to give Northumbria to Tostig, the rest of the noblemen see a takeover happening, with two more brothers waiting for offices.

 

Finally things come to a head after some internal political disasters, the Northerners want him out and so they rebel, killing a large number of his officials. Then they march down south to protest their case with the King. Harold persuades Edward, whom it is said is against Tostig's dethronement, to avoid a civil war and give into the North's demands to have Morcar, brother of Edwin of Mercia as their Earl.

 

 Betrayed by his own brother, Tostig flees abroad in exile. He finally winds up with Hardrada on this date, 25th September 1066, on a warm sunny midday, basking a  field of sunshine with the Norwegian forces, minus their armour and lightly armed. Relaxing and recooperating after their hard won victory, dining on the provisions given to them by the people of York as required and probably getting drunk on the finest supplies of mead, they were waiting for the hostages to arrive. The Norwegians are camped on both east and west sides of the river and their laughter and merry making could be heard in the little settlement of Stamford as they enjoy their day of leisure. Suddenly a scout rides into camp and tells Hardrada that he has seen a cloud of dust coming southwards along the road from York. They believe it must be the hostages and their escort coming as promised.

 

As they wait, the cloud gets closer and they begin to glimpse the 'glittering of weapons that sparkle like a field of broken ice'. At first Harald suspects that some of the northern fyrd have come to join them but when they see the Golden man standard flowing in the breeze whipped up by the storm of marching feet, they know what it is that is upon them. Tostig cannot believe his brother has got here so quick. He groans in dismay. Hardrada throws him an accusing look that says you told me it would take him weeks to get here not days! but he brushes him aside for there is no time to argue with the English idiot. He has only some of his force here the rest are back with the fleet at Riccall....and their maille. He needs to get his men that are camped on the otherside of the river back across to the safer eastern side before the English armny get there. He calls for his strongest riders to hasten back  to Riccall for his boatmen to come to reinforce their numbers.

 

So here he is, the famous Hardrada, wearing only a blue tunic, a helmet and with only his weapon to protect him. Without maille, the men would be vulnerable. But he was Hardrada and Odin and Thor would not let him down. I am Hardrada the Invincible and victory will be mine!

 

 

Next see what happens in the battle of Stamford Bridge.

 

 References

Walker I.W. (2004) The Last Anglo-Saxon King (Pb ed) Sutton Publishing Ltd, Great Britain.
Swanton M (200) The Anglo-Saxon Chronichles (rev. ed) Phoenix Press, London. Marren P (2004)
Marren P (2004) 1066 The Battles of York, Stamford Bridge & Hastings Pen and Sword books Ltd, Yorkshire.

 

 

 

 

Stamford Bridge - The battle that ended an era. Part One

Following on from the Battle of Gate Fulford on the 20th September, Harald Hardrada's victory just outside of York saw him and 'as great a force as seemed necessary' (AS chronicle C) march into the city and the people surrendered to him, most likely to prevent a full scale sacking of the city. Whether or not the defeated brothers Edwin and Morcar were part of this process, it is not known but they had certainly survived the battle and may have holed themselves up inside the walls, perhaps wounded, with their remaining men,  ready to negotiate peace with the Norwegian king. Harald Hardrada's saga believed that Morcar had been killed, but Morcar lived through the battle but may have been severely wounded and that was why they thought he had been killed in battle. It is quite possible that the brothers were injured so as not to be able to attend the Battle of Hastings.

The exiled brother of King Harold Godwinson,Tostig, was also amongst the victors at Gate Fulford. He had arrived with Harald to fight for his old Earldom, Northumbria and would have known many of the men of Yorkshire personally. He would have been able to vouch that the hostages offered were  sons of leading men.  These hostages were to be handed over at Stamford Bridge, 8 miles or so north of York which was roughly halfway between York and where Hardrada had left his fleet at Riccall. According to the chronicler Florence, 150 hostages were given on both sides and part of the treaty with the men of York included the supply of provisions. Additionally, they were to march south with him and join his attempt at the conquest of all England.

King Harold Godwinson heard the news of Harald Hardrada's landing probably soon after or before Hardrada and the northern Earls gave battle at Gate Fulford. Hardrada's maneuvers around the coast probably gave Edwin and Morcar time to gather their armies and send messengers south to Harold. The young earls, sons of the deceased recalcitrant Alfgar of Mercia, could have holed themselves up in the city of York and waited for Harold to come with re-inforcements, however for whatever reason, they decided they had sufficient men to meet them outside the the walls at Gate Fulford.The AS Chronicle C states that Gate Fulford battle happened on Wednesday the 20th of September. Harold had been in the south with his southern fyrd watching for William to come and had disbanded his men on the 8th when there seemed no sign of the Duke appearing from Normandy at any time soon. As soon as he heard of the landing, he marched up north with his army and the local levies were called out as he passed through the shires on his way up the old Roman road of Watling Street. This was not the first time he had performed a lightning raid on an enemy. The first was in Wales sometime in December '62 or January '63 when he stormed into Wales with a mounted force and destroyed Rhuddlan, Gruffydd's fortress. Fortunately for Gruffydd he was warned at the last minute with time to escape by sea,leaving the rest of his fleet to be burned by Harold's men. This was a man determined to deal with a problem once and for all. And that is exactly what he does

This was to be the battle that would see the end of any significant Scandinavian attempt at conquest. Read about the battle itself in the next Part of this post.

References
Walker I.W. (2004) The Last Anglo-Saxon King  (Pb ed) Sutton Publishing Ltd, Great Britain.
Swanton M  (200) The Anglo-Saxon Chronichles (rev. ed) Phoenix Press, London. Marren P (2004)
Marren P (2004) 1066 The Battles of York, Stamford Bridge & Hastings Pen and Sword books Ltd, Yorkshire.

Battle of Gate Fulford Part Two

In Part One, we saw that Harald Hardrada beat Edwin of Mercia's right flank with a lightening charge accompanied by warhorns that heralded his victory. Edwin's huscarles broke and died where they stood and the levies panicked and fled back toward York.  Having overwhelmed Edwin's men, Hardrada now closed in to support Tostig on his right flank and Morcar's men were trapped in the swamp. Many met their deaths there in those murky muddy waters, sucking their bodies into its ravenous depths. Florence of Worcester claims that there were less men killed on the battlefield that drowned than in the river.

According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the day saw great slaughter on both sides but the Norsemen took possession of the field and the glory was theirs. Many corpses were bogged down in the river and the 'causeway of corpses' was to be remembered long after the battle. Those that managed to flee, escaped to the relative safety of York with both the Earls and their surviving men. The young brothers were inexperienced and could have only have been aged between 17-19 at the time. They were the sons of Alfgar of Mercia, the rogue Earl who had allied himself on more than one occasion with  the Welsh to oppose Harold Godwinson and King Edward. Alfgar had died around 1062 and Mercia had passed into his son Edwin's hands. Later, younger brother Morcar had been elected Earl by the Northumbrians in a unprecedented move to oust Tostig Godwinson as their earl. Tostig had been Earl of Northumbria since 1055 but his harsh rule had made him unpopular and the men of the North revolted in 1065, demanding that they would have none other than Morcar as their leader,  threatening to blaze a trail through the country if their demands were not met.

The devastating defeat must have been harrowing for the brothers in their first real engagement. They appear to have fought bravely and the battle may have gone either way. The Battle of Fulford Trust believe that the Vikings outnumbered the English and this may have contributed to Hardrada's forces being able to roll up round them and crush them as re-inforcements arrived. Peter Marren (2004) states in his book 1066 The Battles of York, Stamford Bridge and Hastings that he does not necessary agree with this theory that the English were out numbered and that the armies were comparable in size.

The lie of the land meant that Edwin and Morcar's troops would have had difficulty in keeping track of each other. According to the Battle of Fulford Trust, if either of the English flanks gave way, the other side would not have known and this would have made them extremely vulnerable as they were to find out when Hardrada made his charge. Hardrada also had a much better view of the battle from some higher ground on the approach. From a higher vantage point, he would have been able to command his troops more effectively.

Considering the lack of experience and their youth, the young English brothers made a brave attempt to hold off the invaders and defend their city. They had obviously picked their spot with great care and thought, but their rawness in the field may have led to them disregarding such an important point as the lay of the land. Once their lines were broken, the Norwegians were able to break through and push them sideways without their respective flanks being able to pull backround together. Those that fled the onslaught made their way back to York, those that didn't were slaughtered where they fought.

During the 1990's excavations of bones thought to be those of Edwin's and Morcar's men were found with unhealed sword cuts to legs and arms, cracked or decapitated skulls and the typical injuries that are caused by arrows and other sharply tipped weapons such as spears. Many injuries were in the back and at least one had multiple deep cuts.

As violent and brutal as this battle was, it was just the first that the warriors of England were to endure that year. Edwin and Morcar and his surviving troops didn't make it to Hastings. But there was another northern battle yet to come before Hastings took place. The Battle of Stamford Bridge takes place 5 days later. In that battle, the victorious Vikings were to meet a new enemy, the army of Harold, the King of England.

References and further reading
http://www.battleoffulford.org.uk/a_battle.htm
Marren P (2004) 1066 The Battles of York, Stamford Bridge & Hastings Pen and Sword books Ltd, Yorkshire.
Swanton M (1996) The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles The Orion Publishing Group Ltd, London.

If you enjoy reading about the events of this period you may enjoy my novel Sons of the Wolf www.silverwoodbooks.co.uk/sonsofthewolf  available also on Amazon and all good leading bookstores. Visit my website for more about the author www.paulaloftingauthor.com


Coming up soon the Battle of Stamford Bridge

The Battle of Fulford Gate Part One

The year of 1066 saw three major battles focusing on the struggle between the major contenders for the throne of England, recently vacated by Edward the Confessor who died in early January of that year.   These men were Harold Godwinson, Harald Sigurdsson and Willliam of Normandy. The first and often forgotten battle was Gate Fulford, where  brothers Morcar and Edwin, Earls of Northumbria and Mercia respectively, failed to hold off an invasion by the Norwegian Harald Hardrada and the disaffected Tostig Godwinson. Harald's fleet set sail during the summer and first arrived in Orkney to gather the local Viking forces of Jarls Paul and Erland. They then travelled southwards to meet with Tostig and his smaller fleet and ravaged the Yorkshire coast, destroying the town of Scarborough by throwing burning embers from a bonfire onto the thatched roofs of the houses. The next town to be met by their not so welcome arrival was Holderness whose citizens attempted to put up a resistance but were pretty much swatted like flies and from there sailed into the Humber. Harald moored his ships in the Ouse at Riccall and marched on to York because it was a major strategic stronghold and if Harald could take it, he would be in a strong position to conquer the north, piecemeal, using York as his base. Tostig would have been looking for revenge for the killing of his men and the stealing of his treasury and for York's support in ousting him from the earldom.

There is only one detailed source for this battle, Snorri Sturluson's Saga of King Harald. It is full of incorrect facts but it is also the only one available. What we can be certain of is that leaving their ships in Riccall, they marched on York. Meanwhile, Edwin and Morcar assembled their troops at Gate Fulford by the bank of the River Ouse. This was 2 miles from the city walls. They would have had plenty of time to gather intelligence about the movements of the Norse and send messages south to the King to ask for assistance. The Norwegians were a vast army and this was going to be no minor skirmish. This was obviously a serious attempt to invade and conquer.       

Why didn't The young brothers Edwin and Morcar wait for Harold's army to march from the south to augment their forces before they engaged the invaders? There may have been many reasons. Perhaps time, or maybe they felt a battle would be better fought on the offensive. They may have wanted to assert their independence and strength, feeling that they were equipped to handle such an invasion. There was a possibility also that they may have been paranoid  that Harold  wanted to strike a bargain with his brother Tostig and restore him to his former Earldom which was now Morcar's. There may have been many reasons, but whatever, they lost and much of the northern army was depleted, perhaps why they most likely did not fight at Hastings.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle tells us that the Earls' army was as large a force as they could muster. Sturluson insists it was an 'immense' army. Most likely it was at least 5,000 men plus York itself could muster 1,000. Then there would have been the armies of the surrounding shires from Cheshire to the Scottish borders. The Earls would have had their own huscarles, personal body guards numbering around 300 men or so each. This would have taken some mobilising and it shows the relaxed attitude of the Vikings that allowed them the time to do it, that was eventually to be their downfall. As they approached Fulford, Harald's scouts saw the formidable army lining up against them. 'Gate' is actually meant to mean a road through  a 'foul' (muddy/swampy) ford.


King Harald's Saga informs us that the Norse King's standard was placed near the river at the back of his army which then stretched all the way up 'where there was a deep and wide swamp, full of water' no doubt the foul or full ford.Moving toward the Norse army and using the stream that ran across the approaching road to strengthen their front, they manoevered in close formation as a shieldwall. Morcar led the vanguard and faced Tostig's troops on the opposite side of the stream and Edwin's men faced Hardrada nearer the Ouse.
According to  the Worcester Chronicle the English fought bravely at the onset that Tostig's Norwegians were pushed back. Unfortunately after a long struggle, with Tostig's troops heavily engaged by Morcar's and being hardpressed, Hardrada leads a devastating charge to cut them down with a blast of horns and war trumpets. Edwin's huscarles are slaughtered and the English begin to break up. Seeing that defeat was imminent, the levies broke up and fled back to  York. Snorri attributes  the victory to Harald's great warrior skills and courage but it was a hard fought battle on both sides.

You can follow the formation and the battle lines here

If you enjoy this blog you may want to read my novel
Sons of the Wolf set against the back drop of these events.

Aelfgyva The Mystery Woman of the Bayeux Tapestry: Part Four

The woman in the Bayeux Tapestry called Aelfgyva has given commentators trouble for centuries. As we have seen in my earlier parts, there have been plenty of Aelfgyva’s mentioned in the 11thc but none that quite fit the bill as much as Aelfgifu  of Northampton. We have discounted Emma/Aelfgifu and also that Earl Harold had any daughter or sister of that name. I have also set aside the idea that she may have been a child of William’, whom he offered to Harold as a wife in return for an alliance. Aelfgyva was a purely English name and although it may have been a possibility, it was not likely to have been given to a Norman woman; it was thought that Norman’s had no liking for English names. So why then, am I going with Aelfgifu of Northampton, King cnut’s first wife? What is it about this Aelfgifu that draws me to believe the woman they are referring to is her?

Aelfgifu was reported by Florence of Worcester as passing off the bastard child of a priest as Cnut’s son after failing to provide an heir of her own. This child was Swein. Later Worcester states that she passed off another ‘son’ Harold Harefoot who was reputed to have been a child of a mere workman or a shoe maker. Interestingly, if we look once again at the image of Aefgyva and the priest, we see that in the lower border a naked figure of a man with a large member is mimicking the stance and gesture of the priest. There is also another image of a naked workman.  The priest who touches her face is either fondling or as some might say slapping her face. The scene is also iconographic, which means it is supposed to be a representation of what perhaps, William and Harold may be discussing. Unlike the other scenes in the tapestry, this one is not to be viewed as part of the story but more as an illusion of some sexual scandal. Interpreting  the face fondling/slapping aspect is a bone of contention, however. At first I favoured the idea that the priest was slapping her but upon further research I came across some intriguing suggestions that were submitted by J Bard McNulty in the Lady Aelfgyva in The Bayeux Tapestry (1980).

Edward Freeman (1869) suggests that the woman they are discussing was a woman at the duke’s palace. I would disagree. As we have explored before, there could not have possibly been a woman with this name in Normandy at this time.

Then, if we accept that the woman referred to in the tapestry must be Aelfgifu of Northampton, we have to ponder upon why on earth Harold and William would be discussing her at this stage of the story. Aelfgifu would have been long dead at the time of this meeting (around autumn of 1064). But let us not discount her, for she was, like her counterpart and rival Emma of Normandy, a formidable woman. Unfortunately, she was perhaps not as tactful or astute as Emma.

Aelfgifu was Cnut’s first wife, most likely he married her in the more-danico fashion rather than officially as he was later able to marry Emma. It was quite customary in those times for nobles to ‘handfast’ themselves to a woman so they could at a later time marry for political reasons as Harold Godwinson did with Aldith of Mercia. The Norman propaganda machine was to later make much of Harold’s relationship with Edith Swanneck, referring to her as his mistress rather than his wife, but under English law, she was just as entitled to the same considerations as an official wife was and her children would not have been viewed as ‘bastards’ or illegitimate and had the same entitlements as legal offspring would have.

Cnut must have valued Aelfgifu and her children by him, for he sent her and Swein to rule Norway for him and as Swein was a mere child at the time, she was to act as regent. But she was unpopular with the Norwegians, her rule being ruthless and harsh and so she and Swein were driven out after some years and Olaf’s son Magnus the Good replaced Swein as King of Norway. One would imagine that Cnut’s feelings toward Aelfgifu if Northampton would have changed after she lost Norway for him.                  

          Noble women of the period

Eventually, Magnus would make a treaty with Cnut’s son by Emma, Harthacnut that would become the basis for Harald Hardrada’s claim to the English throne in 1066. Harthacnut and Magnus of Norway made an oath to each other that should one of them die, the other would inherit their kingdoms should they die without issue. Although Magnus claimed his right to England, he never pursued it beyond a threat after Harthacnut died. When Harald Hardrada succeeded to the kingdom after his nephew Magnus died, he claimed that Magnus’ and Harthacnut’s oath should still stand and egged on by Tostig, Harold Godwinson’s brother, he planned his fateful invasion of England.

But if the stories that had been circulating about Aelfgifu’s deception of Cnut were to be believed as truthful by the general consensus, the two men, Harold and William, should they be discussing all claims to the throne, would have both agreed that Harald’s claim should be dismissed. McNulty’s suggestion is that Harold was reassuring William that the English had discounted Hardrada’s claim, a decision that they both agreed about and happily they both ride off to campaign in Brittany.

Sounds plausible? No it doesn’t. Because what had Aelfgifu’s  indiscretion got to do with Hardrada’s claim to the throne? After all, she was not mother to Harthacnut who had made the oath with Magnus and she is definitely not the Aelfgyva depicted in the tapestry. Just when I think I am there, another ‘but’ pops up!

In the words of the great man Sir Walter Scott, “Oh what a tangled web we weave, when first we practise to deceive”. More in the next part of this amazing mystery.

                                                            Emma and her sons by Ethelred

Horstede: Setting the scene

My novel, Sons of the Wolf is mainly set in a village in East Sussex called Horstede. It was listed in the Domesday Book as being land held from the king by Wulfhere before 1066. Holding their lands from Wulfhere, were 9 villeins and 6 cottars. Between them they own 7 and a half ploughs with a team of 8 oxen each and 1 with a half team of 4. Now-a-days, it is little more than a hamlet just beyond Uckfield and called Little Horsted. Besides a single row of houses, a parish church and a school, there is also a Golf club and a hotel. Surrounding the place there are farms and  fields. There is even a roundabout called the Little Horsted roundabout but nothing much else is there.

 What made me choose this place for the setting of my book? I was inspired to write something after viewing the annual Battle of Hastings re-enactment back in 2004. I had been looking for a suitable subject to write about since I decided that I would fulfill my child hood dream and set about the mammoth task of writing an epic historical novel. I had worked on projects in the past but life events had served to drift me away from realising my dream. Eventually I lost my confidence and my aspiration did not return until I attended a college course for Health and Social care. Doing this course helped me to realise that I could still write.

 Having come across Helen Hollick's fantastic novel about Harold the King, I decided that another book written about Harold himself would need to be really well written and a master piece if I was to better hers. As it was my first attempt, I decided to keep it simple and I thought, why not tell the story of Hastings through the eyes of the ordinary men and women? That way I could still use the historical background and characters but centralise the story around a family whose experiences through the events of the 11thc I would be free to play with.

Eventually, the real inspiration for Sons came in the form of a different book. I found David Howarth's little gem 1066 The Year Of The Conquest  at a medieval fare. He tells the story of 1066 from the standpoint of a Sussex village. He chose Little Horsted as it was his own home and describes the holding as it was in the Domesday Book. I already had the basis of a story that I wanted to write, I just needed a character. I had thought to invent my own village and my own thegn but here was Wulfhere (Howarth calls him Ulfer, simply a different spelling) just waiting for me to find him.

Nothing is known about what sort of man Wulfhere was, what he did in his life and what the names of his family were. Things like that were not recorded for simple folk in those days. However, I hope that if he were alive today, he would not be offended by the life I created for him. Equally, Helghi of Gorde also was a man of the Domesday. Again I hope I would not offend him too much by my villainous portrayal of him. But this is a fictional interpretation and their story is my telling alone. I believe it is how life might have been for men and women of this time and although I have written this story from a 21st century point of view, I have tried to create an Anglo Saxon mind set and at the end of the day, these were people like you and I. They laughed, they cried, they loved and hated much like us, after all.